The Glasgow City Region is ‘already far more advanced in regional working than is often reflected in public commentary’ and ‘already operates as a mature regional delivery platform’ – GCR’s Director of Regional Economic Growth.

By stewartb

Notwithstanding the current political focus across the UK on devolution to city regions, there is a dearth of evidence-based reporting by the MSM and (of course) by the public service broadcaster we’re stuck with, BBC Scotland on what local authorities together with business, universities and others in the third sector already do and achieve in partnership in Scotland’s city regions.

Arguably, the absence of coverage suits Unionist parties as they gear up for the 2027 round of local elections in Scotland. This is perhaps most true for the Labour Party whose narrative directed at voters in Scotland is now replete with references to England’s supposed jewel, namely ‘Greater Manchester’ and to apparently economically miraculous ‘mayors’. What Scotland’s cities need – and should want – it seems is there in England ready to be copied. So it’s good to come across a balancing viewpoint from a senior economic development executive with direct, in-depth experience of Scotland’s situation.

The Glasgow City Region Cabinet – not a body that gains much, if any profile from Scotland’s MSM or public service broadcaster – recently (August 18) received a report from its Director of Regional Economic Growth entitled ‘Regional Empowerment Progress Report’: its purpose is to give an update on the ongoing development of a Glasgow City Region (GCR) devolution proposal to be submitted to the Scottish Government in March 2027.

(See https://onlineservices.glasgow.gov.uk/councillorsandcommittees/viewDoc.asp?c=P62AFQDNUTZLZ30GUT )

Context

The report notes that the opportunity for ‘enhanced regional empowerment’ follows the First Minister’s earlier commitment ‘to introduce enabling legislation that would allow regional partnerships to obtain legal status and access a menu of devolved powers. The central principle of this work is devolution down from national government and national agencies to empowered regions, where decisions can be better aligned with functional economic geographies, local priorities and delivery capacity.’ Perhaps you thought such matters were being pursued only by the Labour Party?

So the Scottish Government already has an active reforming agenda which involves sub-national devolution. However, it is the description (summarised below) of what is already being achieved in terms of sub-national structures in Scotland that is especially interesting as it provides a counterweight to the prevailing Westminster-derived – specifically the Labour Party-derived – narrative about “too much power is centralised in Scotland”. That assertion seems to be part of co-ordinated negative messaging regarding governance structures expressed variously by the branch lead of Labour in Scotland, the Secretary of State for Scotland and the UK’s Prime Minister. 

(On the matter of a ‘counterweight’, to be more precise it MAY be capable of providing a counter but only IF the public service broadcaster for example opted to inform Scotland’s electorate of what actually happens in their country’s economic development – and go beyond gaslighting Scotland for the Union!)

Simplistic ‘binary’ commentary

In the report, the Director writes (with my emphasis): ‘It is important to recognise that GCR is already far more advanced in regional working than is often reflected in public commentary. Much of the national debate continues to be framed in relatively binary terms around whether Scotland should adopt mayoral models similar to those in England.’

Surely the ‘public commentary’ and ‘national debate’ referred to here can only be an allusion to Labour Party-derived narratives being amplified and supportively framed by pro-Union MSM including the BBC?

The GCR report goes on: ‘This can understate the extent to which GCR already operates as a mature regional delivery platform, managing a portfolio of activity exceeding £2 billion, including the Investment Zone, Innovation Accelerator, Local Innovation Partnership Fund, Clyde Mission, 5G Innovation Region and National Wealth Fund strategic partnership, alongside the City Deal. The scale of the portfolio already managed by the Region demonstrates that the debate should not be about whether regional working can be established, but about what additional powers, flexibilities and resources are now required to allow that existing regional platform to deliver at greater scale and pace.’

The Director is by no means content with the status quo: the report refers to an ambitious, wide-ranging agenda for reform, including for devolution of substantial additional powers to regional bodies.

Importantly however, this is added: ‘The opportunity is therefore to develop a specifically Scottish model of regional empowerment: one that supports devolution from national government and national agencies to the regional level, respects the statutory role of local authorities, strengthens democratic accountability and enables more coherent delivery across the economic geography of GCR. GCR is keen to identify a model that builds on the Region’s existing collaborative approach between member authorities and partners, rather than replicating structures where tension can emerge between a Combined Authority and constituent local authorities.’

(Note: ‘Combined Authorities’ are the key part of the English model of regional devolution: they are legal bodies set up using Westminster legislation that enables a group of two or more councils to collaborate and take collective decisions across council boundaries. The first CA to be established was the Greater Manchester Combined Authority in 2011.)

Interestingly, in describing the various workstreams being pursued as part of the GCR’s process to devise a proposition for reform, the report has this (para 3.2): ‘The workstreams will be required to demonstrate additionality, subsidiarity, deliverability and alignment with national, regional and local priorities. They will also be expected to ensure that any proposals strengthen the Region without transferring responsibilities upward from member authorities unless there is a clear and agreed added value case.’  Is it reading too much into this and other parts of the report to discern less positivity about replicating England’s Combined Authorities and elected mayors?

The role of Scotland’s parliament and government?

The GCR report refers to a joint letter from the Chairs of GCR and the Edinburgh and the South East City Region sent to the UK Prime Minister seeking an early meeting to discuss options for further devolution.

The Director’s report (at para 5.6) considers issues that relate to the UK government, noting: ‘Engagement with the UK Government will be particularly important where proposals relate to reserved or UK-funded areas, including innovation, employment, welfare, migration, fiscal flexibility and future local growth funding. The joint letter from Glasgow, Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast to the UK Government previously highlighted the need for city regions in devolved administrations to benefit from the same scale of ambition seen in English city regions, including integrated settlements, long-term transport funding, Local Innovation Partnership Fund flexibility and investment zone-style arrangements.’ That long and substantial list is a reminder of how much the Scottish economy is under the direct influence – for good or ill – of Westminster and Whitehall!

This begs important questions! Rather than support further devolution of reserved powers firstly to Holyrood, will leading stakeholders in these two city-regions in Scotland be seeking advantage directly from Westminster? If so, this may play well with Unionist political parties in Westminster if now – or in future – they are intent on pursuing a strategic agenda to by-pass Holyrood. And if the reserved policy areas in the above list, in whole or in part, are devolved ONLY and DIRECTLY to one or two city regions in Scotland, this leaves the rest of Scotland unchanged – and unchangeable, at least in these reserved policy areas by Scotland’s parliament and government in Edinburgh. Is that in Scotland’s national interest?